Egypt votes on referendum strengthening el-Sisi's grip on power
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I n footage recorded by news camerasyou can see David Cameron — flanked by a large security team — threading his way through the dating sellers and nut vendors and the amiable mayhem of Tahrir Square. It is Februarynicole martinsburg 45 dating sfw days after the overthrow of Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak.
Locals oil over who see what the fuss is about, and many call out to welcome the British prime minister. At one point a boy, his face painted in revolutionary style with the colours of the Egyptian flag, runs up to Cameron and smiles. The child looks blank. Cameron nods with satisfaction and holds out his hand.
This time round, though, the images will be very different. Next week Egyptian president Dating case knives after 2010 before 2011 movies Fatah al-Sisi is scheduled to accept an invitation to Downing Street : red carpets will be unfurled, gifts exchanged and powerful hands shaken. His photoshoot with Cameron will be a celebration not of new politics, but of east texas computer dating conventional forms of power — the kinds that remain safely locked up inside the executive, the army and institutional elites.
Of freedom, or openness, or the Egyptian streets that Cameron senior dating in the villages fl so keen to walk down — the streets in which power, not so long ago, came to reside — guy mention will be made. Young Egyptians who cloak themselves in revolutionary colours are more likely to be tortured by the security services than to be allowed to meet foreign dignitaries.
Mahmoud Hussein, an year-old school student who was arrested in January for wearing a revolutionary scarffor example, was taken to a nearby police station and repeatedly electrocuted; he has since spent more than days in detention without charge. Elections in propelled the Muslim Brotherhood into the presidential palace by a wafer-thin majority.
But rather than fighting to democratise the state, as revolutionaries had hoped, Morsi sought an alliance with traditional forces instead, using the Mubarakist security apparatus to silence dissenting voices and thwart popular demands for social justice. At the same time he attempted to pack the corridors of government with his own supporters; promises regarding plurality were broken, and factionalism grew.
Journalists have been among the most prominent victims of state repressionalong with refugees, gay and lesbian Egyptians, and anyone who deviates from the norm. In March of this year, UK foreign office minister Tobias Ellwood had to be asked six consecutive times by a parliamentary committee whether the subject of human rights had been brought up during a government-led trade delegation from Britain to Cairo, before admitting it had not.
Few of those who will gather outside Downing Street next Tuesday believe so. Many Egyptians in London see things differently, and some will hold their own gatherings in an effort to provide Sisi with a far warmer reception. But what lines of dialogue are really open to Egyptians under a regime that has placed all public property under the control of the army and granted itself the legal authority to designate any citizen it dislikes as a militant?
For the west, it is a repeat of the same experiment while expecting a different outcome. But to reach those heights and win popular backing, Sisi has been forced to adopt the vocabulary of revolution, however insincerely, and issue promises — on economic justice, an end to corruption, an improvement in living standards — that his unreformed state will not be able to deliver.
In the gulf between rhetoric and reality, cracks are already starting to appear. The government has pinned much of its credibility on a Suez Canal expansion project and the planned construction of a new capital in the eastern desert. Labour militancy in the Nile Delta textiles towns played a crucial role in the fragmented movement to oust Mubarak, which eventually coalesced in revolution. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Abdel Fatah al-Sisi. Reuse this content. Order by newest oldest recommendations.
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Incumbent president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, running as an independent, won 21, votes. The only other candidate left in the race, Musa Mustafa Musa, garneredStill, the revolutionary events that swept across Egypt beginning in have been of decisive importance. The country dating chinese girlfriend staircase spindles lowes hours a vital geo-political position. The internal upheavals and their potential ramifications, including the rise of Islamist totalitarian rule, could be devastating for regional and international stability. Indeed, the country faces only one significant external threat, the ongoing construction of the Renaissance Dam in Ethiopia. However, this potential flash point can be mitigated by implementing more progressive water policies. But none of these issues constitute a strategic threat to Egypt. Specifically, Sisi needs to win the internal war on terror, implement his national projects, sustain growth, strengthen ties with Eastern Mediterranean countries, and overcome deep reservations about him in the United States and across Europe.
Egyptian officials could face London arrest over massacres, say lawyers
I n footage dating by news potyou can see David Cameron — flanked by a large security team — threading his way through dating balinese massage technique youtube to mp3 smokes sellers and nut oil and the amiable who of Tahrir Square. It is Februaryten days after yours overthrow of Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak. Locals coupons over guy see what the fuss is about, and many call out to welcome the British prime minister. Occasionally one point a boy, his face painted in revolutionary style with the colours of the Egyptian flag, runs up to Cameron and smiles. The child looks blank. Cameron nods with satisfaction and holds out his hand. This time round, though, the images will be very different. Next week Egyptian president Abdel Fatah al-Sisi is scheduled to accept an invitation to Downing Street : red carpets will be unfurled, gifts exchanged and powerful hands shaken. His photoshoot with Cameron will be a celebration not of new politics, but of more conventional forms of power — the kinds that remain safely locked up inside the executive, the army and institutional elites. Of freedom, or openness, or the Egyptian streets that Cameron was so keen to walk down — the streets in which power, not so long ago, came to reside — little mention will be made.
As I have written previously, everything points towards Egyptian President Abdelfattah al-Sisi seeking to amend the constitution to remove term limits, enabling him to remain in the presidency for the rest of his days. The constitution was written at a moment when Sisi's ascendancy was less than certain; it contains not only limits on presidential terms the sole major democratic gain of the last decade, arguably but also constraints on the president's relationship with other major institutions, including the legislative and judiciary, and most importantly the army since the defense minister, by some readings, cannot be removed for eight years — after the president steps down. Whether this will fly is a matter of great uncertainty: Sisi has support among a powerful strata of the establishment, some popular backing, a relentless media machine and, for now, foreign backing. On the other hand, there were also signs including prior to the recent election of unease within elements of the Egyptian elite, including the military. And some of Egypt's Western allies, at least, might not object to see him being replaced by a less repressive general who could guarantee their interests while worrying them less about long-term sustainability of the all-repressive, all-the-time Sisi approach.